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Mill
Mill
Parallels:
Eccentricity, Hate Crimes, and Chivalry
There are so many ways in which Mill's writings in these two works
are still applicable to our society and government it is difficult
to choose particular issues. Mill's views on the conformism of
mass society, however, seem particularly relevant today. So, too,
in an era of hate crime legislation, does his discussion of what
offenses are punishable and for what reasons. Finally, in an age
where women are considered equal and able to take care of themselves,
Mill's discussion of the (welcome) decline of chivalry is likely
to resonate with his contemporary audience, but I will provide
a counter-argument to get discussion going.
The
Value of Eccentricity
One of Mill's main complaints in On Liberty is the mind-numbing
impact of conformism. Democratic government itself tends to have
this result, according to Mill, as well as the commercial impulse
which tended even in his own time to make the culture homogenous.
How much more in our own times do we see the effects of both in
erasing cultural differences. At one time, America may have been
a "melting pot," but it was a pot with a lot of lumps-individuals
in various subcultures who adopted the American political creed
as their own, but kept their own particular language, traditions
and beliefs and tended to live together. Now, at a time when the
diversity or "salad bowl" image of America is being promoted,
there seems to be more cultural homogeneity than ever. In a society
where almost everyone is educated in public schools, where almost
everyone has access to the same television programs, where almost
everyone's tastes are driven by the same commercial culture, is
it possible for there to exist the kind of individualism Mill
was urging?
Mill even encouraged eccentricity, and in On Liberty not only
the kind he found worthwhile (which would have certainly been
intellectual nonconformism), but any kind of eccentricity. He
reasoned that the homogenizing influence of mass society was so
great that in his own day, eccentricity was valuable in its own
right, as a way of striking out against conformity and reminding
others that they do not have to always do what everyone else does.
But in our own times, most of our eccentricity, if we examine
it carefully, is actually a sort of joining in. We are awash in
fashion, music, technology and spiritual trends, just to name
a few. Often these trends only capture a section of the American
population. In this way, some people can stand out, but only as
a member of a group relative to other groups. The trends are generally
not dictated from below, but from above, from those who market
and sell the latest fashion, music, technology or spirituality.
People who join the trend are in a sense simply choosing among
varieties of conformism. Again, is it possible to be a true individual
in such a society?
Perhaps individuality lies in ignoring the trends, severing oneself
from the sources of their influence. Then, if a person could achieve
the quiet necessary to explore who they are and what they want
apart from societal expectations and trends, the true eccentric
might emerge. Such a person, however, would probably not be trying
to make a statement to the larger society, such as Mill urged,
but would instead simply be doing what they felt like doing.
Then again, perhaps there is no such thing as the level of individualism
that Mill is proposing. Mill's views on the existence and value
of the individual can be seen as a sort of hangover from the 18th
Century Enlightenment view of atomistic individuals whose relationship
with society was more like a contract than like a family. Granted,
Mill disavows the idea of the social contract and at times attributes
to the environment a great deal of influence in the shaping of
human nature, but when he extolls individualism he still seems
closer to that philosophy's view of human nature than he does,
say, to the socialists' view of man as defined by his relationships
to his fellow human beings. Mill's defense of eccentricity and
individualism leaves us with tough questions. What is the value
of the individual and his separate experience of life? If it has
any value, can Utilitarians like Mill really prove its worth apart
from arguments concerning natural rights or spiritual value? Is
there anything really wrong with cultural assimilation? If the
common understanding of conflict as caused by differences is correct,
could we not expect less conflict among human beings once homogenization
is complete?
Hate
Crimes?
In Chapter 4 of On Liberty, Mill discusses the appropriate reasons
for the government to punish bad behavior. He states that people
should not be punished for doing things others deem morally incorrect,
such as drinking or gambling. However, if that behavior leads
to actual injuries to other people, such as violence against ones
family or indebtedness, the offender should be punished for causing
the injuries. In other words, Mill does not approve of punishing
someone for drunkenness, but does approve of punishing someone
for wife-beating, regardless of the cause. In a striking example,
he writes, "George Barnwell murdered his uncle to get money for
his mistress, but if he had done it to set himself up in business,
he would equally have been hanged." (On Liberty, Ch. 4, para.
10)
This line of reasoning would seem to suggest that Mill advocated
punishing the action but not the supposed underlying cause, whether
this be drunkenness or some other motivation. Given Mill's ideas
about freedom of thought, speech and press, it is hard to imagine
that he would approve of today's "hate crimes" laws in various
states which increase the penalty for a particular crime if it
can be shown that it was motivated by a hatred for a particular
protected class of people-women, minorities, gays, etc. The idea
behind such laws is that crimes which are motivated by hatred
for a particular group in society should be punished more severely
in order to discourage more attacks on that class, or more organization
of hate-groups. This is an admirable goal, so why would someone
like Mill likely disagree with hate crimes laws (and other laws,
such as those restricting pornography, which punish certain ideas
and speech as noxious to society)?
Mill did not approve of punishing someone for their ideas or desires.
Additional penalties based upon motivation seemed to him to violate
this principle. Mill reasoned that if government started to punish
motivations or ideas, even if they were obviously bad and harmful,
this would have a chilling effect on the individualism he so highly
prized because of its impact on the progress of society. Once
government established a precedent that it could punish ideas
and not just injurious acts, it could easily punish other ideas
which were not so clearly wrong. Such a precedent could lead to
the type of tyrannical government Mill so hoped to avoid.
Those in our own times who argue against hate crimes laws do so
largely on the same basis that Mill employed in On Liberty to
argue against punishing the George Barnwells of the world for
their immorality instead of simply for their crime. They do not
accept the argument that the hateful ideas alone are harmful enough
to society to justify government repression of them. It is not
that these ideas, such as racism, are not bad and harmful, but
that the precedent of government intrusion into the area of ideas
is even more harmful. In addition, opponents of hate crimes legislation
point out that it necessarily makes it appear that some people's
lives and property are more valuable than others'. To these opponents,
such legislation is also a bad precedent because it tends to promote
group oriented thinking in what is supposed to be a society of
equal individuals.
After WWII, this question of whether to punish people for the
ideas they promote has been a particularly difficult one in democratic
societies. In today's Germany, there are indeed laws against the
promotion of Nazi propaganda, and these laws are enforced. One
can certainly understand why the government and people of Germany
might wish to have such laws, although Mill would argue that the
precedent set by such laws is more harmful to individual liberty
than the propaganda and activities they target.
In countries like Austria, Belgium, France and Germany, there
is a growing tendency for governments to form "sect commissions"
to monitor minority religious groups, including in Belgium the
YWCA. In France lawmakers have proposed legislation which would
make it illegal for religious "proselytizers" to "manipulate"
the public. In the latest French proposal, no less than 173 religious
sects have been named in legislation aimed at removing their influence
from society. Some of these groups include Jehovah's Witnesses,
Scientologists, Unificationists and even Southern Baptists. Do
we really want to leave the judgment of what ideas are harmful
in the hands of government authorities?
Has
the Decline in Chivalry Been Good for Women?
In The Subjection of Women, John Stuart Mill discusses the ethic
of chivalry, which he says is in decline. While we tend to think
of knights in shining armor when we think of chivalry, the attitude
of chivalry outlasted the medieval era and was still to be found
in Mill's own time. The essence of that attitude, according to
Mill, is the tendency to see women as the repositories of a superior
morality. According to the old view, women's influence was supposed
to be essential to tame men's brutish characteristics, and they
were to perform this service to society by withholding their highly-prized
affections from those men who did not conform to civilized behavior.
Women (at least of the upper classes) were thus held up on a "pedestal"
and expected to fulfill the role of promoting morality and civilization.
At the same time, as Mill points out, women were in practical
terms not superior at all, but treated as inferiors. Outside of
their informal influence on their suitors or husbands, they were
to have little influence on politics, business, or even family
matters. This position seemed to Mill very ironic and unacceptably
confining.
In Mill's day, the attitude of chivalry in decline. There was
less and less inclination among men to see women as morally superior
or to put women "up on a pedestal" to be treated particularly
delicately. At the same time, there was no countervailing inclination
to give women a more equal status so that they could take care
of themselves instead of relying on men. If anything, the laws
had become less ambiguous in favor of restricting women's freedom,
to the point of women losing possession of their own property
upon marriage and being unable to decide to divorce their husbands.
So in Mill's time, women had the worst of both worlds; women they
could count less and less on men's sensitivity brought about through
the chivalric attitude, but had actually fewer means to prevent
men from taking advantage of them.
In our own time, it can be said without much controversy that
chivalry is dead in the western world. Men still open doors occasionally,
but the attitude of women as having the moral high ground and
of men as having the duty not only to protect them but to treat
them with delicacy and respect due their sex, is a thing of the
past. Clearly, many women consider this change a great improvement.
Old-fashioned chivalry appears to them to be condescending, because
it used to be accompanied by an assertion of male dominance in
almost every sphere of life. Because women enjoy far more equality
now, there appears to be little need for chivalry. In this conclusion,
they would agree with Mill, who thought there would be no need
for chivalry if women were given their freedom and enjoyed equality
with men.
However, there is an argument to be made that, even in our own
times, we have lost something valuable by rejecting the last vestiges
of chivalry. The relationships between men and women are arguably
coarser. Women live in a world in which they largely have equal
opportunity but in which they must endure a constant degradation
in the popular culture in the form of pornography, embarrassing
music lyrics, and belittling depictions on TV and in the advertising
media. It is a world in which men are much more familiar with
women, and where neither party knows what to expect from the other
because there is no universally accepted code of conduct. Chivalry
was an ethic which at least encouraged a certain respect for women
while treating brutish and crude behavior toward them as socially
unacceptable. One difference between men and women has not changed,
and that is that the physical strength of men remains on the average
greater than that of women. There are more rapes and other forms
of violence against women than ever. Under these circumstances
we might reasonably ask if the ideal of the gentleman or the code
of chivalry had to be extinguished to make way for female equality,
or whether women would have been better off with it, albeit in
a necessarily modified form. Maybe some part of the chivalric
ethic needs to be resurrected, one which sees the need for respect
for women without condescension.